In the first chapter Michael J. Klarman looks at the Brown v. Board of Education’s declaration that ‘segregation in public schools was unconstitutional.’(3) Klarman demonstrates how the Southern Manifesto aimed to preserve segregation and discriminated against African-Americans who tried to vote, or attempted to enrol their children at white schools - loss of jobs, welfare benefits, and credit refusal; harassment, assault, burnings, bombings and murder. Schools were closed to prevent desegregation, ‘newspapers….boycotted and…TV stations refused to air …programs that discussed integration.’ (26)

In ‘Brown and Backlash’ Tony Badger shows how segregationist candidates won elections, and discusses African American direct action of the 1960s. Badger concludes that, ‘token integration’ was  ‘more effective than massive resistance.’(47)

In Chapter Three, Adam Fairclough examines discrimination against the NAACP, who had to ‘file… membership lists with the secretary of state’(60) which resulted in loss of membership and branch closures. Fairclough analyses voting and discrimination in Louisiana, which resulted in, ‘reducing the …black voters…from about 4,000 to 921.’(64)

John A. Kirk in the fourth chapter shows that ‘minimum compliance’ caused a ‘diluted form of massive resistance….that actually wreaked chaos.’ (78) The implementation of Brown had no set deadline; many institutions could make token integration gestures.

In Chapter Five, Kevin M. Kruse looks at the concept of “Freedom of Association” - white citizens wanted the right ‘to select their neighbors, their employees, and their children’s classmates.’(100) Whites withdrew their children from schools and moved out of communities frequented by African Americans: ‘On the Friday before the black children were to arrive, there were still 470 white boys and girls…the following Monday, they found only seven white children.’(105)

George Lewis, in Chapter Six, examines the connection between the Cold War and segregation rhetorical language of the era: ‘white supremacists…claim[ed] that civil rights activists were part of an orchestrated, communist plot.’(128)

David L. Chappell in ‘Disunity and Religious Institutions in the White South’ shows how ‘laypeople, not clergy’ (139) generally used the Bible for segregationist claims. Most religious institutions did not comment on segregation.

Jane Dailey in Chapter Eight looks at segregation, miscegenation and religion, and shows how a reading of the apostle Paul’s arguments in Acts 17, can be used both for and against segregation. The segregationists believed that ‘integration facilitated miscegenation.’(158) Dailey demonstrates how newspapers reported that integrated schools would lead to intermarriage, and attempted sensationalist sex-slurs on the civil rights marchers: ‘a Negro boy and a white girl engaged in sexual intercourse on the floor of the church.’ (169)

In Chapter Nine Elizabeth Gillespie McRae focuses upon  Florence Sillers Ogden, and her newspaper column ‘Dis an’ Dat’ which purported white supremacist arguments for segregation. Sillers was active in many womens’ organizations and emphasized their duty to pass on the ideologies of segregation to their children: ‘to indoctrinate the nation’s youth’.(191)

In the final chapter, Karen S. Anderson looks at the peaceful desegregation of Hoxie schools in 1955, then the aftermath following the reportage in Life magazine. Anderson writes that a minister had even started telling his congregation that ‘God would overlook violence committed in defense of white racial “purity.”’(205)

This collection of essays is an excellent source for students, researchers and academics. It is detailed, informative, extremely well referenced, very interesting and readable. It also suggests areas for further research, such as ‘school integration from the perspective of teachers’ and the ‘Citizens’ Council Forum Films.’ (14)