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Political scientists Andrew L
Aoki and Okiyoshi Takeda have written the first undergraduate textbook on Asian
American politics. Asian American Politics is an important book for
Politics and Asian American Studies students, although its clear yet lively
style makes it accessible to students taking courses in race and ethnicity
outside these fields. As well as summarizing Asian American politics, this book
delineates 'larger themes that run through the politics of Asian Americans and
other racialised groups', specifically the politics of identity. For Aoki and
Takeda, this politics 'refers to the basic question of how Asian Americans are
defined – including who gets to define them … and the attempt of Asian
Americans to define themselves, and to be accepted on their own terms' (p. vi).
Aoki and Takeda's clarity is
particularly apparent in each chapter's introductory section where important
terms such as racialisation (Chapter 1), ethnic, pan-ethnic and racial identity
(Chapter 2), and the model minority and forever foreigner stereotypes (Chapter
7) are listed alongside key topics. Their definitions of these terms are not so
rigid as to overlook the diversity of Asian American identities and experiences.
This diversity is successfully conveyed throughout the book in both narrative
and statistical forms as ethnic, national, linguistic, class, educational,
gender and sexual differences complicate Asian American racial identity. Also
complicated is the mainstream view that Asian Americans are politically
inactive. While political participation by individuals is low, partly because
post-1965 Asian America comprises a large number of immigrants who are not
naturalized citizens and so cannot vote (Chapter 3), political participation by
interest groups and movements has shaped educational, immigration and language
policies (Chapters 4 and 8) despite Asian American under-representation in
Congress and state legislatures (Chapter 6). A prime example of effective group
political participation is the Redress Movement for Japanese American
internment during the Second World War (Chapter 8).
Like a number of other critics in
Asian American Studies, for example, Angelo Ancheta in Race, Rights, and the
Asian American Experience (1998), Yen Le Espiritu in 'Asian American
Panethnicity' (2004), Lisa Lowe in Immigrant Acts: On Asian American
Cultural Politics (1996), Aoki and Takeda use and develop Michael Omi and
Howard Winant's influential concept of racial formation to understand the
history of US racial categories and race relations. Their part in this history
ensures Asian Americans relationships with other racialised groups, although
the nature of these interracial relationships typically depends on where Asian
Americans are positioned along the black/white colour line. Despite interracial
conflicts, most notably between Blacks and Koreans in Los Angeles and New York
in the early 1990s (Chapter 6), Aoki and Takeda conclude their book by
asserting the importance of coalition building if Asian American politics is to
avoid reinforcing racial inequality: 'Will Asian Americans be able to pry open
American society to accept those who have been deemed non-white? And, if they
do, will they do so in a way to create an opening big enough for others to join
them, or will they make a space only for themselves, thereby leaving intact racialisation
and its legacy?' (p. 190).
I would recommend Asian
American Politics to students and academics in Asian American Studies and
other courses about race and multiculturalism in the US, although those with a
specific interest in post-9/11 Asian American politics and culture would find Monisha
Das Gupta’s Unruly Immigrants (2007) and Rajini Srikanth’s The World
Next Door (2004) more useful in this regard.
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